地理科学 ›› 2019, Vol. 39 ›› Issue (7): 1072-1081.doi: 10.13249/j.cnki.sgs.2019.07.005
收稿日期:
2018-11-18
修回日期:
2019-01-21
出版日期:
2019-07-10
发布日期:
2019-07-10
通讯作者:
刘云刚
E-mail:ygliu@scnu.edu.cn
作者简介:
吴寅姗(1994-),女,广东揭阳人,硕士,研究方向为政治地理学、社会文化地理学。E-mail: 基金资助:
Wu Yinshan1,Liu Yungang2(),Zhou Wenting3
Received:
2018-11-18
Revised:
2019-01-21
Online:
2019-07-10
Published:
2019-07-10
Contact:
Liu Yungang
E-mail:ygliu@scnu.edu.cn
Supported by:
摘要:
在社会建构视角下,边界并非固化的界线,各种社会力量亦在持续塑造着边界的功能与特性。采用深度访谈、实地调查和文本分析研究方法,从社会建构的视角,探讨了不同主体基于日常跨境实践对中英街边界的社会建构,以及在此基础上的边境空间管控应对策略。结果发现,在20世纪80年代改革开放背景下,中英街的边贸旅游经济发展为居民参与跨境小额贸易提供了契机,中英街居民的身份与水客的身份由此实现了高度的融合;而在20世纪90年代内地实行市场经济及香港回归的背景下,中英街边贸旅游经济衰落,中英街地区居民的身份与水客的身份逐渐分离。在此过程中,各主体响应边界管控政策变化,塑造了不同的边界生活空间。未来边界管控政策的制定与实施,需要以理解边界空间的历史和现状为前提。
中图分类号:
吴寅姗,刘云刚,周雯婷. 边界管控中的跨境社会建构:深圳中英街的案例[J]. 地理科学, 2019, 39(7): 1072-1081.
Wu Yinshan,Liu Yungang,Zhou Wenting. Construction of Transbodering Social Community Beyond the Border Control System of Hong Kong-Shenzhen: A Case Study of Chung Ying Street[J]. SCIENTIA GEOGRAPHICA SINICA, 2019, 39(7): 1072-1081.
表1
访谈对象的基本属性"
访谈对象 | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
职业 | 行政人员 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | |||||||||||||||||||||
务工人员 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | ||||||||||||||||||||||
水客 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | ||||||||||||||||||||||
职业托 | √ | √ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
游客 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | ||||||||||||||||||||
证件 | 黄证 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | ||||||||
蓝证 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | ||||||||||||||||||||
户籍 | 中英街户籍 | √ | √ | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
香港户籍 | √ | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
非中英街户籍 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | ||||
活动范围 | 香港 | √ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
香港沙头角墟 | √ | √ | √ | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
中英街地区 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | |
深圳 | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ | √ |
表2
中英街的边贸旅游经济发展过程"
发展阶段 经济状态 | 经营模式 | 具体表现 | |
---|---|---|---|
20世纪80年代 初期 | 繁荣 | 日用生活品经营为主 | 购物品以服装、食品等生活日用品为主。日平均入关游客数达3~4万人,最多曾达10万人挤在长仅268 m的窄巷上 |
20世纪80年代 中后期 | 黄金等金银首饰经营为主 | 由于金饰时尚潮流的发展,以及计划经济时期香港与内地的巨大金价差,中英街转入黄金销售旺盛期,每月的黄金交易量最高可达4亿港元 | |
20世纪90年代 中前期 | 多种商品的混合经营 | 内地开始实行市场经济,中英街的“黄金热”逐步减弱,经营模式转为多种商品的混合经营。中英街店铺多达200多间,日营业额最多可达400万元人民币 | |
20世纪90年代 末期 | 衰落 | 日用品、化妆品等零售业为主 | 中英街的边贸旅游经济开始走向低落。在1997年香港回归以及内地改革开放不断深入的背景下,中英街逐渐失去了原有的商业优势 |
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