刘晨
Liu Chen
中图分类号: K901.6
文献标识码: A
文章编号: 1000-0690（2016）06-0871-08
通讯作者:
收稿日期: 2015-03-2
修回日期: 2015-10-25
网络出版日期: 2016-10-20
版权声明: 2016 《地理科学》编辑部 本文是开放获取期刊文献，在以下情况下可以自由使用：学术研究、学术交流、科研教学等，但不允许用于商业目的.
基金资助:
作者简介:
作者简介：刘晨(1990- ), 女, 江西宜春人, 博士, 研究方向为社会文化地理与消费地理。E-mail: chen.liu.2012@live.rhul.ac.uk
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摘要
将广州的音乐现场看作一个承载制造“噪音”的场所,以6个现场音乐酒吧为具体案例,通过定性分析的方法探讨音乐现场如何连结不同人和不同的地方,以及如何被建构成一个“动态”的空间和“越轨”的地方。研究结果表明：音乐现场作为一种动态的物质文化空间,由经营者、组织者、音乐人和乐迷通过社会实践共同建构而成,成为所有音乐演出参与者之间的关系及其与不同地理尺度之间关系的节点;音乐现场作为一个“越轨”的地方,将音乐现场的“局内人”和“局外人”区分。上述结论回应和丰富了现有音乐地理研究的内容和成果,并对中国超越“看的方式”进行文化地理研究提供了新的切入点。
关键词：
Abstract
The main purpose of this article is to examine the ways in which popular music (live music) in Guangzhou is implicated in the emotive production of performance venues, and how it is located in Guangzhou. The popular music in Guangzhou can be considered to be a noise that has social and political power to challenge the pre-existing place meanings and norms, rather than simply being sounds that lack aesthetics. According to the previous cultural geographical analysis on popular music, how (popular) music is embodied and performs the space and place is the core issues in recent research. Especially, the non-representational side of music is highlighted in current music studies. However, the geographical research on popular music in China is rare and limited to the discussions on the relations between music and place. This shortcoming limits geographers’ understanding of popular music in contemporary urban China, and obstructs Chinese cultural geographies’ focuses on ‘ways of doing/practice’. Drawing on participant observation and life history interviews with 25 informants (3 owners, 4 organizers, 15 musicians and 4 audience members) in 6 live houses in Guangzhou (T: union; C: union; Musician; SD livehouse; 191 Space; and Tek Kwun), this article analyses the function of popular music in performing the identities of different people, creating the mobilizing and transgressive space/place for the participants to form their embodied identities, and modernising traditional social norms. Building up the theories and results from Wood et al.’s (2007) non-representational music study and Revill’s (2000) politics of popular music, the findings of this research indicate that: firstly, music has ‘cultural authority’ in the organization of the socio-cultural, economic, and political spaces. The performance venues, therefore, can be considered as a kind of material culture which is made by their owners, music events’ organizers, musicians and audiences; Secondly, the performance venues are mobilising. They are made by performing music that is on the move, and are empowered by the musicians who create and perform the music, and people who arrange the performance venues; at the same time, these venues are transgressive, they are seen as pollution in Guangzhou, and evade the ‘formal procedure’ of performance, and distinguish the ‘insiders’ from ‘outsiders’. Conversely, the bodies are shaped and restricted by the socio-political contexts in Guangzhou and the physical venues. These findings not only respond to the previous music geographical studies on lyrics and sounds/voices, but also extend the research areas of Chinese popular music. In addition, though the existed music studies have paid attentions on Chinese popular music, most of them are from western or westernized views. Therefore, this musical research with non-western gaze in non-western society provides a new perspective to Chinese cultural geographers to go further the analysis on ‘the ways of seeing’.
Keywords：
“噪”意味着噪音和制造噪音。流行音乐被认为是一种“噪音”,因为它不仅是一种“低级”的文化[1],还是一种反抗既有社会准则和秩序的力量。具有表演流行音乐①性质的现场音乐则一个制造噪音的过程。现场音乐通过将音乐、歌唱和现场表演的形式向人们传达音乐人对世界的理解以及情感。在以往的音乐地理研究中,现场音乐被认为是一种融合视觉、听觉和身体体验的感官经历[2,3]：音乐人（表演者）通过身体演绎个人认同,并将此传达给听众[4]。在这种声音与肢体语言的交流过程中,承载音乐的场所都被音乐重塑,并影响着音乐的制作和表演。音乐作为一种“看不见”的力量,不仅反映和表征了地方的意义,也具有文化政治的力量,影响着地方边界的形成与改变。承载现场音乐演出的音乐现场便可以理解为噪音的容器：一个生产噪音、制造颠覆力量的场所。然而,中国的文化地理研究仍旧束缚于“看的方式”（ways of seeing）[5],对于除视觉外的其他感官所伴随的社会文化问题研究尚存欠缺。因此,为从听觉的角度弥补中国大陆文化地理研究的不足,本研究选取广州的6个现场音乐酒吧（livehouse②）作为案例,通过定性研究的方法,探讨音乐现场如何在音乐、人和物质环境的关系中被实践为连结不同人和地方的纽带,以及区分不同身份的文化界线。
对于地理学者来说,音乐研究主要关注声音景观（soundscape）的特性、音乐及其文化价值[6]、不同音乐流派的地理特性和不同地方尺度的音乐（本土、国家、全球音乐）[6~8],以及音乐对地方认同和空间的建构力量[9,10]。一方面,音乐地理学者将音乐看作一个文化文本,探讨其文化意义和社会作用。例如,在Kong等人在针对新加坡流行音乐的一系列研究中[11~16]指出,新加坡流行音乐在全球和本土文化的交融中形成,呈现多元文化的特征[11~13]。这些音乐不仅反映和表征了对新加坡的地方感知,以及对新加坡人的身份反映[13,15],还成为了政治和权力流动的媒介[11,13~16];另一方面,对音乐表演（非表征意义）的地理探讨在近10 a来甚嚣尘上。Small[17]早在1998年便将音乐看作一种社会活动,探讨音乐的社会性。在此基础上,Wood等[2,3]进一步将音乐的物质性、意义生产、体验和实践音乐联系在一起,指出实践（包括表演和观演）音乐本身就是一种存在,并指出音乐的表演和实践具有明确的物质边界。而在实证研究方面,音乐地理学者也通过具体的案例分析,来佐证音乐具有演绎地方的力量,并能够改变地方本来的意义和人地关系。如Leonard[18]通过对考文垂和利物浦的爱尔兰音乐演出分析,指出爱尔兰音乐不仅能够演绎爱尔兰民族性,还能够为第二代和第三代爱尔兰裔移民建构属于他们的空间,以传达身体化的爱尔兰人认同。
同时,在不同的地方尺度——从全球到身体,从演出空间到听众空间——探讨音乐也是文化地理学研究的另一大趋势[19]。以Revill为代表的音乐地理研究者认为,流行音乐具有反抗的力量,与主流文化和上层阶级进行斗争[6,8,9],并通过文本（歌词）、声音和演唱（或演奏）氛围的方式设置空间规范和界定文化边界 [9,10]。在实证研究方面,Valentine[20]在Susan Smith[21]对文化政治与音乐结合的号召下,对kd lang（加拿大女歌手）的音乐演出进行分析,指出kd lang的音乐表演有着构建“酷儿”空间的力量,并将女同性恋的身份认同通过音乐表演深深地刻进了听众的身体里：在Lindenbaum[22]对现代基督音乐（以流行音乐形式演唱的福音歌曲）的分析中指出,日常化的音乐路径不仅引导着基督徒“前行”,还从3个空间维度——郊区、教堂咖啡室和身体——建构了人们的社区认同。上述研究都以音乐空间（包括演出空间和听众空间）为核心,探讨它如何渗透到与之相关的各个尺度的空间。
在中国,流行音乐的发展或多或少受到国家力量的影响[23],并在人民和国家力量的协同作用下影响着地方的意义和认同。很多中外文化学者已经对中国当代流行音乐进行了深入的研究,认为中国当代流行音乐分为以下几个阶段：20世纪90年代的流氓文化与反叛精神;90年代中期的 “打口”文化①( ① 根据de Kloet[24]的研究,“打口”文化指打口青年文化,是一种当代的中国的青年文化。这些青年以反流行为目标,追求自由,充满了不满和压抑,消费“打口音乐”（指的是已进行损坏处理的、通过各种非正式渠道重新进入城市消费流通领域国外音像制品,成为城市青年的一种流行亚文化,）以标榜自我定义和认同。) 所推崇的对一切无所谓的态度;以及21世纪中“80后”和“90后”追求个性和瞬息万变的“小清新”独立音乐,以及创造性地融合外来音乐和本土音乐形式（如“中国风”）,成为了全球化和本土化的纽带,糅合政治并伴随既有社会秩序的反抗和重构能力的“音乐力量”,呈现出“南商业北原生②(② De Kloet[26]指出,香港和台湾非商业流行音乐与以北京为核心的独立真实的摇滚音乐形成中国流行音乐的两大“阵营”。)”的地理格局[25~28]。因此,多元化（性别[29]、民族和代际文化的多元性[26]）、全球本土化[27, 30, 31]和南北分异[25, 26]成为了中国当代流行音乐最为突出的特征。然而,只有极少数的地理学者关注了音乐与地理环境[32, 33]、地方文化[34]以及人们对地方的感知之间的关系[32, 35~39]。流行音乐如何在日常生活中影响人们的地方实践?如何通过音乐的力量重构地方和人地关系?这些在国际地理学界的热议话题亟待在当代中国的社会文化环境中进行解答。
为解决上述问题,本研究以广州——一座被流行音乐研究忽视的城市③(③ 以往的中国流行音乐研究往往以北京、香港和台湾作为研究案例地。)——的社会文化背景为依托,援引以Wood等[2, 3]为代表的非表征音乐地理研究方法,并借鉴以Revill[9]为代表的音乐文化政治研究结论,探讨广州的现场音乐演出如何在不同的尺度对地方和认同进行重构。
研究以广州现有的现场音乐酒吧191空间、喜窝、Tu凸空间、踢馆、庙色唇和SD livehouse为具体的研究案例地,通过目的性抽样的方法,选取在酒吧中不同的行为主体进行生活史访谈,并辅以参与式观察的方式,对研究案例地进行实地的体验与观察。具体研究过程如下：① 研究人员于2012年2月9日至3月24日参与广州现场音乐酒吧的演出活动（共参加11场演出）,通过参与式观察,初步了解广州现场音乐酒吧的分布、演出流程以及演出特征;② 在2012年3月3日至3月25日,研究人员对调研对象（共25人）进行1~5 h的生活史访谈,在广州现场音乐酒吧进行工作体验,并参与音乐人的生活聚会,在访谈对象允许的前提下,对访谈过程进行全程录音;③ 对访谈录音进行整理,对未能解决问题进行二次调研,并对访谈对象进行汇总和编号（分别以A表示经营者、B表示组织者、C表示音乐人、D表示乐迷,如A1表示第一位受访的经营者）,其中,经营者3人,组织者4人,音乐人15人,乐迷4人;④ 研究人员在整理过的访谈录音的基础上,对所搜集的资料进行内容分析。
广州由于其地缘优势（邻近香港）,成为了中国大陆流行音乐的发源地。它不仅培养出内地第一批流行音乐歌手（吕念祖、李华勇、张燕妮、张凤等）和第一批音乐创作人（陈小奇、李海鹰、毕晓世等）,还成立了中国大陆第一家音像公司——太平洋影音公司,并在专业音乐院校中成立了通俗音乐团（如,广州音乐学院成立的通俗音乐团）。然而,由于港台音乐在中国大陆的盛行、内地音乐产业的进一步发展、北京摇滚音乐的觉醒（以崔健为代表）和以“西北风”为代表的民歌、民谣的蓬勃发展,广州的流行音乐中心地位在20世纪90年代后期逐渐被北京取代[38]。在新时代（21世纪）,以广州为代表的南方乐派实质上与北方（以北京为代表）流行音乐和港台商业流行音乐有着很大的差异,形成了更加草根、平民化和具有探索精神的音乐气质[39],并与主流的北方音乐和港台音乐相去甚远。这些差异无疑绘制了一个新的“音乐文化地图”。而广州的音乐现场作为一种可视化、可参与的流行音乐现象,更是为南派流行音乐在新时代的发展提供了肥沃的土壤。因此,为以广州为中心点,探寻中国当代流行音乐的文化地理特性,本研究通过以下2个方面对广州音乐现场进行分析。
现场音乐表演具有物质性：音乐是身体化的、技术化的,是需要具体的物质空间（如舞台）进行承载的,是在“地方”上发生的事件[2]。在社会文化地理学的重返唯物主义（rematerialisation）[40]的思潮下,有关物质文化如何渗透在社会实践中塑造人们的日常生活也成为了文化地理研究的重心[41~44]。音乐现场作为现场音乐的物质载体,在音乐、人和物质环境的共同实践中,将不同尺度的地方维度联系了起来。这种承载音乐的空间/物质,并不是简单的音乐活动的载体,而是一种过程中的过程,一种在时间和空间中进行的状态[44],并且是动态的、临时的和一直处在被建构的过程中的[2, 3]。
音乐现场之所以是动态的,不仅因为它承载动态的音乐,还因为其建构过程的动态性。建构音乐现场,是一个包含不同参与者活动的实践过程,同时是一个不同力量协调的过程[2,3,19]：一方面,人们通过对音乐现场的建构进行自己身份的表达;另一方面,人们对音乐现场的建构行为被既有的社会准则所约束,也被音乐现场的物质环境所左右。
最初对音乐现场的物质形式进行建构的是经营者。经营者在设计音乐现场的时候,会融入自己对生活世界的解读和自我身份的定义,将音乐现场构建成为反映现实世界和自我身份的地方。经营者将自己的世界主义认同镶嵌于音乐现场的设计中。世界主义,就是“将世界感知为一个地方”[42]。一方面,这种世界主义具有无地方性（placelessness）,即“人们因为对地方重要性的无视,而随意地消灭了地方的与众不同性,并建立标准化的景观[45]”。例如,访谈对象A3表示,SD livehouse的设计是参照国内的一般标准进行的：
“我总结了我300多场的演出,别人好的我们就要借鉴,有什么能够令我的livehouse更加标准,（我就吸取过来,）这是第一方面。那么第二方面就是,我自己也演出过,我很明白一个演出的人最需要的是什么……不管玩什么风格的乐队和音乐,最注重的就是设备,全世界都是这样。”
——访谈对象：A3
另一方面,世界主义认同现实世界中的“混沌（hybridity）”[46],即全球化带来的多元地方文化交融的现象。广州音乐现场被设计为一个多元文化空间。例如,在A1介绍Tu凸空间的时候,描述道：
“Tu凸是一个非常开放的音乐场所,爵士可以在这里演,世界音乐可以在这里演,民谣可以在这里演,摇滚可以在这里演,甚至古典音乐也可以在这里演……来自不同地方的音乐人在这里都能看到,像之前我们搞了很多北欧的后摇,还有国内很多地方的现场（演出）。”
——访谈对象：A1
音乐现场的多元文化是动态的,并随着人类的迁移而变化的。同时,人们将自己的身体物质化为一个承载音乐的“空间”[47],通过音乐的实践（包括表演和观演）,使身体的边界动态化和社会化,并运用这样的身体构建动态的音乐现场,使之成为身体与更广阔地方之间联系的中间尺度。组织者和音乐人通过音乐演出的组织和演绎,将音乐现场的“混沌”发挥得更加淋漓尽致。这些文化的形式并不是一种“麦当劳化”或者“可口可乐化”的全球同一性的文化,也不是“全球本土化”的表演形式,而是一种拼贴画式的文化并存,并根据演出的改变而不断变化。在参与式观察的11场演出中,音乐人均来自不同的地方：广州、珠海、汕头、宜宾、北京、香港、瑞典、西安和贵阳。这些“移民”带着方言和地方文化而来,通过歌唱、弹奏器乐、歌曲介绍和舞蹈/身体律动的形式将不同的地方文化移植到广州的音乐现场中,并通过全球共通的流行音乐流派（摇滚、民谣、世界音乐等）展演这些文化。
此外,通过不同身体的音乐活动（主要为音乐人和乐迷的互动）,音乐现场被建构为一个承载本地社会活动,以及本地（广州）居民进行社会交往的物质载体。正如D4所言,
“这些地方（现场音乐酒吧）不只是给我们提供了好音乐演出,还让我们在这里交到很多志趣相投的好朋友。我之前都是自己一个人来的,后来才慢慢地认识了很多也喜欢音乐的朋友。”
——访谈对象：D4
在音乐演出的过程中,音乐人不但制造出音乐/声音,也制造出这些音乐和声音的内在意义。这些意义或多或少与音乐现场所处的社会环境相关。正如B2对于广州现场音乐的评价：“在（广州）相对宽松自由的政治环境中,我们把麦克风交给他（音乐人）,就是让他发声,让他说自己想说的”。这些意义通过音乐的演绎,从音乐人的身体流动到乐迷的身体,二者在身体的交流中,进一步实践了音乐现场的物质性：人们的身体将看不见的音乐及其意义进行传递,使原本没有意义的音乐现场成为了承载动态意义和活动的物质空间,并成为了一种动态的物质文化。
“来看演出跟听碟是不一样的。听碟你感受不到唱歌人的心情,但是看演出就不一样了……就像你不可能在家边听碟边跳舞,但是在看演出的时候就可以。在演出的时候,大家都很放松,可以跟着（音乐人）喊。”
——访谈对象：C2
与此同时,音乐现场之所以是动态的,不仅因为它承载着流动的音乐和不断运动的身体,更因为它本身处于不断的变动过程中。到2012年7月为止,广州共有6间音乐现场酒吧：Tu凸空间、喜窝、庙色唇、SD livehouse、191空间和踢馆。除在环市路酒吧街附近的踢馆外,其他5间都零散地位于广州市中心边缘,与居民区相邻。这些酒吧在没有音乐演出的时候,或作为普通酒吧经营,或作为展厅,又或暂停营业。因此,音乐现场是动态的：在有音乐演出的时候,它们是吵闹的音乐空间,当没有音乐演出的时候,它们又转换为寂静的具有其他用途和意义的场所。
综上所述,不同的行为主体通过不同的社会实践将广州的音乐现场与身体、城市/乡村（广州和其他地方）、全球连结在一起,并通过具体的行为将他们对这些不同尺度地方的定义镌刻于音乐现场的物质形式中。换言之,音乐现场作为承载表征这些不同尺度地方文化形式的物质实体,渗透到社会活动之中,成为一种涵盖人与人之间、人与地之间关系的物质文化空间——蕴含丰富社会文化意义的物质实体。同时,这个空间又限制了人们进一步的身体实践和展演。由于音乐的流动性[43]和音乐现场构建的过程处于不断地进行当中,它又是动态的。
音乐现场是承载音乐演出和观看的物质空间,在与音乐的相互作用下,成为了一个“越轨”（transgressive）的地方。地方的建构包含对“局内”和“局外”的划分[48~50]。当一个地方被认为是“污点”、“非正常”或“非主流”（即“局外”）的时候,便被赋予了“错位”（out-of-place）的意义,成为了“越轨”的地方——出现不该出现的事物的地方[48,49]。
广州的音乐现场酒吧被不参与音乐活动的局外人定义为广州的越轨空间：一方面,流行音乐本来就具有颠覆的力量[11, 51]——它意味着广大人民群众的声音,蕴含着与精英阶级的对抗,并企图制造新的社会秩序以满足大众的需求,也就是说,流行音乐是一种主流社会所排斥的“污点”。广州的音乐现场所承载的流行音乐可以被看作一种具有挑战既有地方意义和社会准则的“噪音”。这些音乐现场通过流行音乐的反抗——从地方文化反抗国家霸权,从流行文化反抗主流的精英文化和音乐产业——呈现出越轨的地方特性。以研究者的对音乐演出的体验为例：在2012年2月的一场音乐现场演出中,一支来自广州的某乐队吉他手在吉他上贴上“广州才是首都”的字样;在2012年3月的一场音乐现场演出中,一支来自北京的乐队在介绍歌曲的过程中,用“X（粗俗用语,下同）这个社会,X这个时代”等语句来形容他们所创作的歌曲及其演出,并邀请现场观众一同呼喊对社会不公的反抗;同月的另一场演出中,某音乐人则在演唱粤语歌曲《广州广州》①( ① 《广州广州》创作于2010年广州“粤语保卫战”期间,以抨击当局“推普废粤（推广普通话而废除粤语的流通）”为主旨。虽然这场“粤语保卫战”是对推广普通话政策的误读和激进对抗,却反映出广州本地人对粤语和广州人身份的高度排他性认同,以及对国家霸权性政策的反抗。)时,高呼“广州话才是我们的母语”,以及“我们要唱给珠江边住高楼的人②( ② 指广州的精英阶层。)听”。这些演出行为无不反映出一种对主流社会的对抗和批判,以及通过对小尺度地方（城市/乡村）文化的肯定（如 “广州才是首都”、“广州话才是我们的母语”等）以及对国家层面的标准文化进行批判抵制。因而,以传播流行音乐为主要功能的音乐现场被流行音乐赋予了独立和对抗的地方意义。这些在承载流行音乐的音乐现场中再正常不过的行为,对于“局外人（不参与音乐现场活动的人）”来说则无疑是不正常的和打乱社会秩序的。
另一方面,音乐现场也市场限制了人们与更广阔地方的联系。音乐人和乐迷的身体都被局限在酒吧中,在有限的空间中用音乐和演出进行交流。音乐现场都具有明确的物质边界,将音乐演出与外部环境分隔。人们在有限的场所里组织、表演和参与音乐活动,或多或少地与音乐现场以外的地方阻隔。而且,人们基于自己的常识（例如不在公共场合大声喧闹）以及既定的社会秩序,约束着自己的行为,使自由的身体限制于音乐现场。然而,由于声音的流动性,音乐难以被局限于音乐现场的边界之中。虽然音乐演出往往只是持续数小时,酒吧附近的居民经常会向保安、公安局或者酒吧经营者投诉这些“噪音”,并将酒吧隔离于他们的社区之外,使音乐现场被动地隔离。正如A1所描述的：
“像摇滚现场的时候,有时候就是,有些噪音影响到附近的居民,这些就是,我相信每一个摇滚场所都会这样,但是这些问题我们现在都能得到解决……（我们的方法是）互相忍让咯！互相忍让互相退一步,也让他们来了解我们,然后我们也去了解他们这样子。”
——访谈对象：A1
这些音乐人和乐迷,在不参与现场音乐演出的局外人看来,是违反既有社会秩序和准则的存在——他们深夜出动、形象怪异、发出噪音、打破了寂静的工作和生活空间——而现场音乐酒吧（音乐现场）则是一个盛满噪音、怪异人群和诡异秩序的容器,而不是局内人所感知的音乐演出场所。显然,现场音乐酒吧被动地与外界环境相分离,被局外人认定为一个“污点”——打破既有的社会秩序和社会道德,因此不应出现在他们的社区之中。
同时,这些现场音乐酒吧也主动与主流环境分离,强调自身的独立性和非常态。如A4所说：
“演艺吧呢,那些歌一般比较烂的。怎么说呢,他们多数都是翻唱别人的歌,那么自己的元素肯定会很少的。那么live house来说,更多的来说是推动本土的和原创的一些东西。其实这是很重要的一点,也就是说你到底是想向着理想发展还是用音乐来赚钱。”
——访谈对象：A4
总之,无论是主动还是被动的,现场音乐酒吧被定义为反抗主流的、破坏宁静生活的、非正常人聚集的场所,在音乐演出、物质环境和人（包括“局内人”和“局外人”）的相互作用下,被建构成具有颠覆性的越轨的地方。
研究以广州6个现场音乐酒吧为研究案例,通过对不同行为主体的对音乐现场的社会实践,分析了广州现场音乐的文化地理。具体来说：
一方面,现场音乐通过整合经营者、组织者、音乐人和乐迷的社会实践,将音乐现场构建成一种动态的物质文化空间。音乐演出具有对社会文化、经济和政治空间或地方进行重塑的文化权力。 音乐是不同群体的邂逅,以及人们情感经验的分享过程,人们通过这种邂逅和分享进行身份认同的协调与冲突。同时,音乐演出让人们在一个具体的空间和时间里进行情感和身体的互动,这种身体化的、音乐化的情感是语言所不能表达的。同时,音乐的力量不仅是情感的,也是物质的——音乐演出是需要物质载体和边界的。而本研究拓展了这一观点,认为音乐现场不仅是承载现场音乐演出的物质载体,并为之提供确定的物质边界,而且这条边界是动态和不断变化的。然而,以往研究的探讨往往建立在音乐人和乐迷所构建的音乐空间和聆听空间的分析基础上,或多或少地忽视了组成音乐演出的两个“隐秘”的行为主体——经营者和组织者。本研究通过实证分析补充了上述研究,认为音乐现场是表达所有音乐演出参与者之间的关系及其与不同地理尺度之间关系的节点,不同参与者的行为和认同都在现场音乐演出的过程中得到了协调和再次建构。
另一方面,广州音乐现场作为一个“越轨”的地方,将音乐现场的“局内人”和“局外人”区分,形成一道既有形（音乐现场的物理边界）又无形（音乐现场参与者和非参与者的文化冲突）的文化边界。流行音乐具有反抗主流文化和主导阶级冲突的力量,并具有设置空间规范和界定文化边界的能力。本研究通过实证研究通过“越轨”的概念肯定了这一观点。本研究中,广州音乐现场用音乐文本、表演和声音体现和传达了局内人的非正常、非主流的、不同于局外人的身份认同,并被局外人定义为既有社会秩序的破坏者,因此是一个“越轨”的地方。这个定义地方的过程中具有明显的社会阶层和不同地方尺度之间的冲突和抗争,如平民阶层对精英阶层的反抗以及地方文化对国家霸权的批判。
总之,流行音乐应该被理解为一种构建身份认同、整合归属感和挑战既有社会规范的、可传达和交流的情感过程,以及一种赋权的媒介。音乐现场不同的参与人通过身体化的行为实践身份认同,将音乐现场演绎成为一个既开放（“动态”）又闭合（“越轨”）的空间。这一过程将静态的音乐现场转化为动态的空间过程。
上述结论回应和丰富了现有音乐地理研究的内容和成果,并对中国大陆的音乐地理研究的进一步发展提供了切入点。中国大陆的音乐地理研究较少,而且研究对象以民歌为主。而本研究的研究对象是以流行音乐为对象的音乐现场,不仅讨论了音乐演出所表现的意义,还将其看成一个社会过程,探讨它与人、空间/地方之间的相互关系,在研究对象和研究内容方面为中国文化地理研究开拓了新的视角。
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
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Authenticating geographies and temporalities: Representations of Chinese Rock in China [J].https://doi.org/10.1080/08949460590914877 URL [本文引用: 2] 摘要
pop from Hong Kong and Taiwan. Rock is constructed as the authentic voice of a new generation, whereas pop is interpreted as an overtly commercialized sound produced by the music industry. These dichotomies underlie the five authenticating tactics that I distinguish: representing what I call the rebellious, the ancient China, the communist China, the scenic, and, finally, the new China. This article will provide ample visual evidence of these authenticating tactics, and analyze critically the politics behind these tactics. I will in particular interrogate the insistence on articulations of time and place that prevail in (discourses on) Chinese rock culture and argue for a cultural studies approach that resists rather than reifies either time or place.
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Blowing in the China Wind: engagements with Chineseness in Hong Kong's zhongguofeng music videos [J].https://doi.org/10.1080/08949468.2011.525492 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
While songs with distinct Chinese characteristics, whether musically or lyrically, have always been part of local pop history, "China Wind" (zhongguofeng) is a novel phenomenon. Above all, China Wind owes its production and circulation as a discursive formation to its endorsement by mainstream artists, notably from Taiwan, as much as to its popularity among audiences in Greater China. While China Wind pop is yet to be systematically documented, researched and analyzed, popular and media attention has generally focused on Taiwan-based artists and lyrics. In this essay, rather than focusing on what is considered the main source of China Wind songs, namely Taiwan, we have chosen China Wind songs that originated from Hong Kong and their music videos as the primary subject of enquiry. Our central concern is, how do Hong Kong's China Wind music videos engage with hegemonic versions of Chineseness? The choice of Hong Kong is informed by our empirical interest in the complex entanglement of cultural and political power in which the postcolonial city is presumably going through. At the same time it is, in theory and in praxis, a correspondence with the ongoing debates on Chineseness鈥攄ebates on not only what but also who defines it. Our analyses show that while Hong Kong's China Wind pop evokes Chineseness, it also undermines it in two major ways: first, to render Chineseness as distant gaze, as ambiguous space and as ongoing struggles; and secondly, its feminization of Chineseness, opening up a space for questions on history and gender performance. In other words, the Hong Kong China Wind we have analyzed here articulates something quite different from a triumphalist celebration of Chinese tradition, value and culture. If China Wind as a whole is a culturalist project to rewrite Chineseness in an authentic, monolithic and indisputable way, Hong Kong's variant, we argue, is resisting.
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Sonic multiplicities: Hong Kong pop and the global circulation of sound and image [M]. |
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The anomalies of Being Faye (Wong): Gender politics in Chinese popular music [J].https://doi.org/10.1177/1367877902005003005 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
鈥 Building on previous research regarding popular music and the culture industries, this article examines the intersection between gender politics in Chinese societies and the musical success of Faye Wong, the reigning diva of the Hong Kong-based pop music industry. Influential among adolescents and young women, she has not only become a figure for textual identification but also a polysemic icon for cultural aspirations and feminist projects throughout Greater China. Unlike earlier female singing stars, Faye's music and public persona explicitly defy standard market practices and conventional representations of femininity. Yet, paradoxically, these unconventional qualities have contributed to her sustained success over the past 10 years. Thus, Faye's star persona operates both as a marketable commodity and as a site of significant cultural work in the realm of gender politics. Using Bourdieu's distinction between economic and cultural capital, our analysis shows how music companies enriched Faye's cultural capital as part of their promotional efforts and how she in turn exploited that very capital in unconventional ways. 鈥
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The political meaning of Hong Kong popular music: A review of sociopolitical relations between Hong Kong and the People’s Republic of China Since the 1980s [J].https://doi.org/10.1017/S0261143000000209 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
ABSTRACT Introduction
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藏族歌曲对西藏旅游地形象感知的影响 [J].https://doi.org/10.11821/xb201008010 URL Magsci [本文引用: 2] 摘要
<p>旅游形象感知一直是国内外研究的热点,且相关研究视角日趋多样化。已有研究多集中在视觉感观方面,鲜有从听觉角度分析旅游者对目的地形象的感知。随着通讯技术及便捷音响设备的发展,音乐与旅游的结合越发紧密,迫切需要对音乐影响旅游地形象感知和形象 构建的作用过程进行分析,以弥补感知研究中对听觉关注的空缺。以西藏为案例地,以广为传唱的藏族歌曲为研究对象,从旅游形象的两个层面探讨了歌曲对西藏旅游地形象感知的影响,并论证了藏族歌曲与旅游决策的相关关系。同时,还对藏族歌曲的传通有效性及其性别、年龄、文化程度对歌曲感知的差异进行了探讨。研究表明,西藏旅游形象具有多元性的 特点。藏族歌曲能够影响旅游者对西藏的形象感知,强化对西藏的向往。旅游者对旅游地形象的感知和建构是一个连续的过程,在不同的旅游环节和角色中,歌曲发挥的影响作用不同。藏族歌曲对西藏旅游地的诠释以自然风景为主,人文信息为辅,对宗教文化涉及不多。 此外,音乐传播旅游形象的实现依赖于音乐本身传播的成功,并非“造歌运动”之效果,而 藏族歌曲却突破了语言约束,表现出以汉语为感知媒介的独特特点。另外,歌曲还对旅游者理性认识旅游地,触及旅游本真具有非常重要的意义。</p>
The Study on Impacts of Tibetan Songs on the Perception of Tourism Destination Image of Tibet. https://doi.org/10.11821/xb201008010 URL Magsci [本文引用: 2] 摘要
<p>旅游形象感知一直是国内外研究的热点,且相关研究视角日趋多样化。已有研究多集中在视觉感观方面,鲜有从听觉角度分析旅游者对目的地形象的感知。随着通讯技术及便捷音响设备的发展,音乐与旅游的结合越发紧密,迫切需要对音乐影响旅游地形象感知和形象 构建的作用过程进行分析,以弥补感知研究中对听觉关注的空缺。以西藏为案例地,以广为传唱的藏族歌曲为研究对象,从旅游形象的两个层面探讨了歌曲对西藏旅游地形象感知的影响,并论证了藏族歌曲与旅游决策的相关关系。同时,还对藏族歌曲的传通有效性及其性别、年龄、文化程度对歌曲感知的差异进行了探讨。研究表明,西藏旅游形象具有多元性的 特点。藏族歌曲能够影响旅游者对西藏的形象感知,强化对西藏的向往。旅游者对旅游地形象的感知和建构是一个连续的过程,在不同的旅游环节和角色中,歌曲发挥的影响作用不同。藏族歌曲对西藏旅游地的诠释以自然风景为主,人文信息为辅,对宗教文化涉及不多。 此外,音乐传播旅游形象的实现依赖于音乐本身传播的成功,并非“造歌运动”之效果,而 藏族歌曲却突破了语言约束,表现出以汉语为感知媒介的独特特点。另外,歌曲还对旅游者理性认识旅游地,触及旅游本真具有非常重要的意义。</p>
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试论音乐与地理环境 [J].
音乐是一种非物质文化景观，是文化地理学研究的重要内容之一。我国在这方面的研究刚起步。笔者从音乐与地理环境之间的关系方面进行初步探讨。
Music and Geographical Environment.
音乐是一种非物质文化景观，是文化地理学研究的重要内容之一。我国在这方面的研究刚起步。笔者从音乐与地理环境之间的关系方面进行初步探讨。
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中原文化与土著文化在梅州的整合研究——以梅州客家山歌的形成为例 [J].
作为汉族民系的客家创造了独特的客家文化,客家山歌就是其中的典型代表之一.客家是一个历史范畴,又是一种地域现象.从文化地理学理论考察,区域文化的成型取决于主体文化要素的分别成熟.据此,确定客家民系与客家文化的成型期在明末清初.由于历史的原因,梅州客家文化与梅州客家山歌具有客家区域文化代表意义.中原文化与土著文化的整合造就了特色鲜明的客家文化.这在梅州客家山歌的形成过程中有充分的体现.中原文化构建了梅州客家山歌的骨架.因此,梅州客家山歌的艺术风格、修辞方法、章法结构都留有"十五国风"以及迁徙途经的江南吴音印迹.客家山歌自明末清初始与吴歌分道扬镳,佐证了客家民系及其文化成型于明末清初说.土著文化填充了客家山歌的肉体并使其尽显地域个性.因而,梅州客家山歌中还大量存在土著民族的歌词、唱名、旋律及修辞方法.从过程来看,文化整合导致梅州客家山歌的形成也是客家民系长期的区域环境感应的结果.从模式与效应来看,梅州客家山歌的形成经历了前期的汉族低势位文化与土著高势位文化的整合、中期汉族与土著等势位文化的整合、后期汉族高势位文化与土著低势位文化的整合的不同模式.属于特殊的高低互位的文化整合模式,其效应是互相融合.
The Combination of central Chinese culture and indigenous Hakka Culture: A case study of Hakka mountain songs in Meizhou.
作为汉族民系的客家创造了独特的客家文化,客家山歌就是其中的典型代表之一.客家是一个历史范畴,又是一种地域现象.从文化地理学理论考察,区域文化的成型取决于主体文化要素的分别成熟.据此,确定客家民系与客家文化的成型期在明末清初.由于历史的原因,梅州客家文化与梅州客家山歌具有客家区域文化代表意义.中原文化与土著文化的整合造就了特色鲜明的客家文化.这在梅州客家山歌的形成过程中有充分的体现.中原文化构建了梅州客家山歌的骨架.因此,梅州客家山歌的艺术风格、修辞方法、章法结构都留有"十五国风"以及迁徙途经的江南吴音印迹.客家山歌自明末清初始与吴歌分道扬镳,佐证了客家民系及其文化成型于明末清初说.土著文化填充了客家山歌的肉体并使其尽显地域个性.因而,梅州客家山歌中还大量存在土著民族的歌词、唱名、旋律及修辞方法.从过程来看,文化整合导致梅州客家山歌的形成也是客家民系长期的区域环境感应的结果.从模式与效应来看,梅州客家山歌的形成经历了前期的汉族低势位文化与土著高势位文化的整合、中期汉族与土著等势位文化的整合、后期汉族高势位文化与土著低势位文化的整合的不同模式.属于特殊的高低互位的文化整合模式,其效应是互相融合.
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Signs taken for wonders: Questions of ambivalence and authority under a tree outside Delhi, May 1817 [J].https://doi.org/10.1086/448325 URL [本文引用: 1] 摘要
This article has no associated abstract. ( fix it )
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Afterword [J]. |
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Place: A Short Introduction [M]. |
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Subcultrue: The Meaning of Style [M]. |
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